Trump claimed credit for the ceasefire 80 times. Modi never contradicted him once. India sent seven multi-party parliamentary delegations — 59 members, 32 countries and the EU headquarters — to make one argument: Pakistan is a state sponsor of terrorism. Not one government said what India asked.
Mali’s military junta expelled French forces, invited Wagner in and declared a new era of sovereignty. The Bamako attack this week killed dozens in the capital. The junta bet that Russian mercenaries would deliver security where French forces had failed. The bet has not paid off.
Khawaja Asif declared open war against the Taliban — the organisation Pakistan’s own intelligence services built, funded and protected for thirty years. Islamabad cannot bomb its way out of a problem it spent three decades constructing. What changed is not the enemy. The machine turned around.
The Taliban have governed Afghanistan for years now. The international community's attention has moved on. What remains is a population — particularly women and girls — living under one of the most restrictive governments on earth, mostly out of sight of those who promised to care.
Ottawa’s admission that Khalistani extremist networks operate and fundraise on Canadian soil vindicates what New Delhi has argued for years. It also exposes a pattern of host-state tolerance — where diaspora political sensitivities have constrained law enforcement response.
Al-Qaeda built a hierarchy. ISIS built a brand. Their successors need neither. The decentralisation of terrorism — driven by encrypted communications and online radicalisation — has made it harder to detect, harder to disrupt and harder to attribute.
